On 6 August 2008, generals, embittered after being relieved of their functions, perpetrated a coup, ending a democracy that Mauritanians have tried to establish and maintain for the past three years. The very next day, civilians and even pro-democratic politicians rushed to declare their support of the putsch and to justify it, describing it as a ''corrective'' action. These positions are taken in defiance of the most elementary rules of democracy: peaceful transmission of power and the rejection of violence.

Among these personalities:

Being the brother-in-law of the putschist General, it is clear from his appointment to the government, as one of the ministers who takes direct orders from the sacked General Ould Abdelaziz, that he is working to consolidate his grip over the state apparatus.

He does not hesitate to use the most hurtful and defamatory words to describe those ministers rejecting the coup. Although his putschist General had asked the ministers to continue business as usual, they have not hesitated in expressing their refusal of the putsch and in brandishing the threat of collective resignation. It was then that Ould Brahim Khlil discovered a new song that he sings to all those willing to hear: "there are no more ministers. Everyone knows that this present government, by facts and rights, is dismissed."

What rights is the Minister talking about? The right to stage a coup? Or that Mauritanians reject it each successive day, as does the international community?

Ould Maham is the deputy of Atar, Atar being the hometown of former President Ould Taya. There he presented himself as an independent in the wake of "independent" candidatures instigated by General Abdelaziz Ould and his entourage.

Alongside Mohcin Ould El-Hadj, he diligently executed a plan devised by the military to destabilize the elected President Sidi Mohamed Ould Cheikh Abdellahi. He headed up the parliamentary group that insisted on a vote of no confidence against the government of Waghf-Ion the grounds that the government was bound up in ''mismanagement'' and demanded that the government be limited to parties who supported the candidate Ould Cheikh Abdellahi… all these demands ordered by Ould Abdelaziz who felt threatened by the alliance between the President and some parties formerly in the opposition. Then, Ould Maham contradicted himself by joining the largest opposition party, in compliance with Abdelaziz's demands.

The coming days will tell us whether he will oppose the symbols of ''mismanagement'' or whether he will adopt them once the putschist General allies with them.

Cousin and intimate friend of General Abdelaziz , Mohcin ould El Hadj is said to be the General's gun slinger. In this role, he heads the parliamentary group that aims to manipulate deputies and senators to overthrow democratic legitimacy and constitutional order. He was the first to unveil the alliance between the RFD and the military, even before Ould Daddah announced it publicly, meaning that the collaboration between the two "partners" dates back to the preparation of the coup d'etat.

He acts as if the State is the property of Abdelaziz and he displays a blind trust in the future. Everywhere he goes he repeats that there is no need to judge President Ould Cheikh Abdellahi, but to let him live like any ordinary citizen.

Here are some pearls from the mouth of Mohcin Ould El Hadj after the coup of August 6, 2008:

-- "It is the President who led the coup d'etat by liberating some military commanders of their duties"
-- "The President has prevented the normal functioning of constitutional institutions"
-- "In a year of power, the President has committed several political, economic and social crimes and has transformed the state into a family patrimony."




Ould El Hadj is said to expect the emergence of a new majority bringing together most of the parliamentary majority as well as a large part of the opposition, through RFD deputies.

Ould Haj declared that the legitimacy of President Abdellahi Ould Cheikh resembles that of Adolf Hitler because the President had violated the Constitution, headed a political party and prevented the Parliament from investigating the activities of his wife.

The trifle words of this parliamentary escape no one. One only wonders how an MP like himself could believe that the ouster of a General by the Commander and Chief of the Armed Forces is tantamount to a coup d'etat. The only thing that is clear from this "MP",s speech is that it is forbidden to dismiss a General, who in this case is his cousin and friend. The reader may refer to detailed responses and arguments made by the putschist MPs, available on this website

Known for his privileged relationship with ousted General Abdelaziz, Ould Zamel is among the main actors behind the parliamentary battalion conceived by the Generals. Ould Zamel was one of the most enthusiastic members pushing for a motion of no confidence against the government of Mr Ould Waghf, just as he was one of the first to welcome the coup of August 6th, describing it as a ''corrective" action.

Former minister and former ambassador under Ould Taya, he relinquished the latter following the coup of 2005. He then presented himself as an independent deputy in accordance to the wishes of the military, who at that time called for independent candidacies of a certain caliber in order to create a battalion within the elected assemblies


He was a member of PNDD when it seemed to be the party of the military and he joined the deputies supporting the motion of no confidence when he understood that this was the wish of the Generals. When the Generals overthrew all democratic legitimacy, he rushed to the microphones and cameras of the media to justify the coup and to glorify its sponsors.

Ould Zamel is MP for the Moughata'a dAoujeft, and its Senator, Yahya OUld Abdelghahar, together with Minister Ould Brahim Khlil are actively assassinating democracy in Mauritania. Their common denominator is the same: allegiance to General Abdelaziz.

Yahya Ould Abdelghahar held the post of President of the PNDD within the Senate. He used his post to serve the military campaign against the wife of the President of the Republic. He is known as the co-host, along with Ould El Hadj, of the group within Parliament that took orders from the Generals. His involvement is made clear by statements made by some of his peers.

For example, Senator M'boud, Mr. Youssouf Sylla, both declared on August 4, 2008, two days before the coup: "General Ould Abdelazzi is behind those frenzied parliamentarians who are mobilized to vote for a motion of no confidence against the government. And Mr. Mohcin Ould el Hajj and Mr. Yahya Ould Abdelghahar are acting on direct orders from General Abdelaziz ".

Until the morning of August 6, 2008, Ahmed Ould Daddah was the leader of the opposition, heading the RFD, the opposition party most represented within the Assembly, with 16 deputies. Nevertheless, most of these deputies are former supporters of Ould Taya and are among those who always align themselves automatically to the strong man of the moment. They joined the party of Ould Daddah in 2005 thinking he was the favorite of the military. Within a few weeks, and with the active complicity of Ould Daddah, these former supporters of Ould Taya managed to get their hands on the main opposition party causing successive resignations by the party's most fervent and most senior members, bitter to see that their party had become the new PRDS.

Ould Daddah and his supporters, alumni of the PRDS, have condoned the coup of August 6, 2008 and have qualified it as a 'corrective' action.

The man ran in three successive presidential elections. His last attempt dates back to 2007, when he lost face to Mr. Sidi Mohamed Ould Cheikh Abdellahi. These were free and transparent elections lauded by international observers, and by Ahmed Ould Daddah himself, who acknowledged his defeat and congratulated his challenger.

Ould Daddah refused to integrate a government of national unity under President Ould Cheikh Abdellahi, but he is willing, calling himself a democrat, to integrate a government of putschist Generals.
In fact, the putschists wanted to use Ould Daddah to legitimize the coup d'état internally, but also before the international community, given the growth of the anti-coup movement, inside and outside the country.

Among the statements made by Ould Daddah:

-- August 12, 2008: "The past elections were fraudulent. I accepted the result in order to avoid instability within the country. What happened - the coup of August 6, 2008 - is a corrective action. The situation was very serious."

The questions that arise are these: If Ould Daddah believes that the elections were indeed fraudulent, why does he ally himself with the man responsible for this fraud, Mohamed Ould Abdelaziz, strong man of the CMJD, who supervised these elections? And if the elections were transparent, as Ould Daddah himself admitted, why then does he now dispute the result and why does he stand with those who have buried democracy?

He was appointed Prime Minister of the first government following the presidential elections in March 2007. He had run in the same elections and came in third place with 15% of the total votes cast. He led the government for 13 months, for almost the entire duration of Mr. Ould Cheikh Abdellahi's presidency, before the latter was overthrown by General Abdelaziz.

Ould Zeidane was dismissed and replaced by Mr. Yahya Ahmed Ould El Waghf, who is currently under house arrest in Achram, 350 KM to the east of the capital Nouakchott. In the aftermath of the coup of August 6, 2008, Mr. Ould Zeidane rushed to support the coup and demanded the adoption of a statute for the National Armed Forces, granting them guardianship over all institutions of the Republic. Ould Zeidane currently asks Europeans ''to support the development of Mauritania and not to put pressure on the putschists.''

What is odd about him is that if General Aziz declared that the government of Ould Cheikh Abdellahi was a total catastrophe, Ould Zeidane must share responsibility, insofar as being the head of Ould Cheikh Abdellahi's government for 13 out of 15 months!

Vice-President of the RFD party and leader of this group within the National Assembly, Ould Lematt announced his support for the putsch a few hours after its execution, before even knowing who the perpetrators were, or their intentions.

He declared on August 7, 2008: "We want to clarify two points in the speech of President of the SMU (the putschist Ould Abdelaziz):
1 - the transition period should not exceed 60 days, in accordance with the Constitution.
2 - The military should express their position regarding the future elections and declare if they intend to run or not. "

Although the RFD has received no reply to date from the putschists, ex-members of the PRDS that are now loyal to the RFD, leaders such as Ould Moïne, Ould Ould Bebana and Abdelghader, exert their pressure on Ould Daddah pushing him to support the military.

In addition, they pass up no opportunity to come forward before the media In supporting and justifying the coup and calling the people to follow them. They do not know that, by so doing, they are committing political suicide and destroying the largest political party in Mauritania.

Leader of the HATEM party, which has two deputies in the National Assembly, Ould Hanena was known for his courageous position until the morning of August 6, where he showed himself undecided and ambiguous before openly supporting the coup.

He says, in essence, that although he is opposed in the principle of any coup d'Etat (!), he nonetheless understands the reasons for the coup. Although his deputies refused to sign a draft declaration prepared by the pro-putschist parliamentarians, the party leadership of Ould Hanena has decided to play the Generals' game.

The principal motive for HATEM holding rallies and meetings and for gathering support for the coup d'Etat, notably in Aïoun and in Nouadhibou, seems to be the desire to receive ministerial portfolios under the government of Ould Mohamed Laghdaf.